On Democracy in New Orleans—and America

January 28, 2011 | by

Since the shootings in Tucson, there have been widespread discussions about the state of our democracy. Can we be more civil? How do we resolve differences and solve common problems? I have had moments of despair, questioning whether things are too far gone and if people are too overwhelmed or tuned out to engage in the democratic process and shape the futures of our communities and nation. But my worries were assuaged at a meeting on a proposed new jail last week in New Orleans.

The meeting was at the St. Maria Goretti Center in a largely residential area known as New Orleans East. A drainage canal running down the middle of the avenue and an abandoned shopping center were the only reminders that you were still in New Orleans; otherwise, it could have been any quiet American suburban enclave.

But the center was full of signs of life. Its parking lot was filled with rows of cars, and when I walked into the main room there were people stretched out on yoga mats finishing up a class. I skirted my way between them heading for the meeting I had come for. I entered the packed room where local residents were engaging with three members of the mayor’s working group on the proposed jail.

A little background: This past July, New Orleans Sheriff Marlin Gusman was just weeks away from getting approval to build a new 8,000-bed jail for the city. According to national averages, given its size New Orleans should have an 800-bed jail. But the city has long been a leader in over-incarceration. For decades, the sheriff’s office has been run like a kingdom, and a per diem system has given the “king” a significant incentive to lock up as many people as possible every day.

Given the political and financial power of the sheriff, few opposed his request for a new jail. The city council and mayor had long acceded to whatever demands he made, requiring little transparency or accountability. But this time a small group of dedicated criminal justice reformers refused to stay silent. When word of the new jail proposal got out, they quickly organized to press the city council to delay a vote on the 8,000-bed plan, reviving the Orleans Parish Prison Reform Coalition to coordinate the effort (download pdf statement). That group recruited the New Orleans Coalition on Open Governance (NOCOG; an Open Society grantee) as a partner, seeing NOCOG as a valuable new voice to demand a more transparent, data-driven decision-making process.

Those 11th-hour efforts paid off. The city council refused to approve the sheriff’s plan. Then, Mayor Mitch Landrieu formed a working group to study the issue and make recommendations about an appropriate jail size for the city. Since then, the reform efforts have intensified with well-coordinated organizing, research, and advocacy activities. The New Orleans East meeting was one result of that hard work.

Hosted by Neighborhoods Partnership Network (NPN; also an Open Society grantee), the meeting sought to help educate and engage community members on the jail issue. In addition to dozens of neighborhood residents were veteran criminal justice advocates such as Norris Henderson of Voice of the Ex-Offender (VOTE; another of our grantees), local representatives, and a member of the sheriff’s staff.

Some around the room were hungrily digesting pamphlets with data about the city’s incarceration rate, comparative data about jails in other cities, and other relevant information. Others were reading a special issue of The Trumpet (download pdf), an NPN-edited newspaper, dedicated to the jail issue and explaining why the issue matters whether people are concerned about public safety, education, or social justice. A local elected official defended the sheriff as a good man, but allowed that he might be wrong on this issue. Most powerfully, one attendee after another spoke from the heart about the impact of over-incarceration, inhumane jail conditions, and unjust, ineffective criminal justice policies on them, their families, and their communities. All was done with respect for varied opinions and a shared desire to make a decision based on the best information and knowledge rather than on fear—an emotion that has too long ruled criminal justice policy here as elsewhere.

On my way out, I paused to say hello to the woman at the sign-in table, an NPN organizer. “What did you think?” she asked. I found myself unexpectedly choking up. “This is what democracy looks like,” I replied. “This is America at its best.”

Whatever happens in the halls of Congress or the streets of Washington (or the parking lots of Tucson) does not constitute the sum total of our democracy. Democracy happens in unadorned meeting rooms on quiet corners in New Orleans East and beyond.

School's out. (strike at John Marshall High School and other schools in Los Angeles, California, over Proposition 187) (Editorial)

The Nation November 21, 1994 | Kadetsky, Elizabeth It was twelve days before the November 8 election, and the high school where James Dean filmed Rebel Without a Cause had gone on strike. Three hundred students walked out of John Marshall High to protest Proposition 187, the anti-immigrant ballot initiative. One of these students was Leyda Azaneda, who was born in Peru and may or may not be a legal resident of the United States.

"I don't think they should come up with propositions that are racist and unfair like this," Azaneda said in explanation of the walkout. "They call this a free country." Azaneda is among the 90 percent of Marshall students who speak a language other than English at home. One teacher here estimates that half of Marshall's students would face deportation with the enactment of Proposition 187, which requires public employees to report "suspected illegals" to the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Though it is impossible to estimate the number of students who are undocumented, one indication is that over a third of the county's 1.5 million public school students speak "limited" English. go to web site marshall high school

The apparent imminent passage of Prop 187 inspired a loosely organized network of these and other students to stage walkouts at virtually every high school in the city of Los Angeles in the two weeks before Election Day. Walkouts were so widespread that the L.A.P.D. was placed on tactical alert, and police in riot gear swarmed the streets in several neighborhoods and aimed pepper spray and stingball grenades at students on at least two campuses. At this writing more than 15,000 students had walked out at more than forty junior high and high schools throughout Southern California. In Pomona students boycotted school for three days while activists set up alternative classes in a nearby church. Here school officials suspended approximately seventy students, while throughout the region police arrested at least sixteen.

News reports and school administrators tended to brush off the activism as "a nice day to take a walk," but the mass walkouts and civil disobedience heralded a student movement unseen since the Chicano student demonstrations of 1968. This year students began stealthily announcing impromptu walkouts at breaks before classes shortly after Los Angeles's October 16 march against 187, believed to be the largest march in L.A. history. The confluence of immigrant families and Chicano activists in that demonstration was itself a feat of grass-roots organizing that owed most of its fire to a single immigrant advocate, Juan Jose Gutierrez, and his East L.A. legal aid center, One Stop Immigration. The march drew 125,000 supporters--even after mainstream Latino groups, including MALDEF and L.A.'s Coalition for Humane Immigrant and Refugee Rights, heeded warnings of anti-187 leaders against mobilizing a "sea of brown faces." Tapping into loose or inactive student networks, the march breathed life into groups spanning high school and college campuses, including MEChA, the Brown Berets redux, United Farm Workers solidarity contingents and the newly formed October Student Movement. go to site marshall high school

But as Election Day approached, the student walkouts seemed to be spinning from even the grasp of their grass-roots engineers. On October 26 Gutierrez and approximately 100 student organizers met to reassess a protest that, while intending to affirm a student's right to a free education, seemed to be jeopardizing that very right as administrators threatened to suspend strikers. "We're offering sit-ins to stay on campus," Angel Cervantes, a graduate student at Claremont College and a member of the October Student Movement, said after the meeting. "We're taking the moral position of not walking out but wanting to stay there to learn." Two days later students resoundingly rejected that advice. Outside the Van Nuys Civic Center police carted protesters back to school in school buses. On one, 18-year-old Blanca was perched on her seat instructing fellow students: Walk out tomorrow, and the next day, and the next.

Several principals and teachers privately conceded that they were terrified that walkouts would escalate into violence. Approximately 1,000 Southern California teachers and administrators have already signed pledges refusing to comply with the initiative, and they begged students to "be reasonable," in the words of principal Charles Molina. But as teacher Steve Zimmer glumly forecast, "November 9 is going to be a really ugly day." Kadetsky, Elizabeth

3 Comments to “On Democracy in New Orleans—and America”

  1. We are not a democracy.

    • You are correct. We are a federal constitutional republic and the author of this piece could have found that on Wikipedia also connected to George Soros. In other words, his boss!

  2. Advancing democracy is advancing mob rule.

    We are a Constitutional Republic.

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Thomas Hilbink

Thomas Hilbink is Senior Program Officer, Transparency & Integrity Fund, U.S. Programs, Open Society Foundations.

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