Time to Tackle Torture Is Now

October 24, 2011 | by

The following article originally appeared on Foreign Policy.

Last year, Qasim, a construction worker from eastern Afghanistan, was detained in a joint US-Afghan raid on his home in Kabul. He eventually ended up in the hands of the National Directorate of Security (NDS), the Afghan intelligence agency. For over a week, Qasim was hung by his arms, taken down only to go the bathroom and pray. Several times a night he was beaten with pipes and electrical cables, his head bashed into walls, and threatened with much worse. After a week and a half, he could no longer walk, not even to bring himself to the bathroom.

My organization, the Open Society Foundations, and its Afghan partners have interviewed many other Afghans who, like Qasim, have suffered acts of torture at the hands of the NDS, ranging from beatings, and burns, to electric shock, and sexual abuse.

In a ground-breaking report [pdf] released by the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan, the true scope and severity of such abuse is made clear. The UN found evidence of torture and mistreatment in 16 Afghan detention facilities, including electric shocks, hanging detainees from ceilings, beatings, and threat of sexual assault. As a result of the report, the Afghan government dismissed several NDS officials implicated in the report, though it unclear whether there will be any criminal prosecutions.  The International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) has temporarily halted the transfer of ISAF detainees to the 16 facilities.

ISAF's halting of transfers to facilities identified in the UN report is an important first step. The Afghan government's initial response was certainly less positive, but will hopefully improve following now that the report has been publicly released. Looking forward, however, there is real concern that the ISAF and Afghan government responses will prove rather superficial, and ultimately fail to fully grapple with the depths of the problem.

One area that the Afghan government and ISAF should prioritize is accountability. Though perhaps politically difficult, accountability for abuses is key, and must be pursued vigorously and publicly. The UN report is an opportunity for the right signals to be sent, both within the Afghan justice system as well as to the Afghan public.

Without sustained efforts on this front, it's likely that even if those Afghan officials who are responsible for abuse are removed, they will only re-emerge elsewhere in the justice system or government. Shuffling the problem around only sows the seeds for future abuse, and reinforces perceptions of impunity that are at the heart of the Afghan government's struggle for legitimacy.

An independent, external body should be empowered to monitor facilities, receive complaints, and investigate allegations of abuse, with findings and remedial actions made public. Full, unfettered access should also be granted to outside monitors, including Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission, ICRC, and UNAMA. Those responsible for abuse should not only be removed from their positions, but also subject to criminal prosecution and civil liability.

The international community can play an important role in ensuring those responsible are truly held to account. Governments should not only apply conventional diplomatic pressure, but should think creatively and ambitiously about how to strengthen accountability. Funding, training, as well as military and intelligence relationships with the Afghan government and security forces should all be utilized to ensure those responsible for abuse are held accountable. The US is prohibited by the Leahy Law from supporting foreign security forces which engage in gross violations of human rights.

The pervasive lack of due process also leaves detainees vulnerable to abuse. Detainees and defense lawyers we have interviewed consistently decry Afghan authorities' denial of legal counsel, in addition to preventing family notification or contact. In some cases we documented, defense lawyers have themselves been arrested or harassed simply for contacting their clients. The Afghan Government should implement measures to ensure detainees' access to legal counsel, and adopt strict rules regarding family notification (just as the Afghan government advocates for in ISAF detentions), while international donors should provide funding to Afghan legal aid organizations to represent conflict-related detainees. Ensuring detainees have their most basic due process rights respected while in detention provides an additional, necessary check on Afghan authorities' power and strengthens transparency and accountability.

For their part, international forces must acknowledge that there are no quick fixes for detainee abuse in Afghanistan. Detainee monitoring, for example, is too often posited as the solution to abuse, although it only focuses on detainees transferred by international forces, not the wider prison population. While monitoring is a potentially important part of protecting detainee rights, international forces must be honest about its practical limitations, and confront the fact that, in the current context, monitoring alone cannot satisfy their legal obligations to prevent torture.

Indeed, the fact that the UN has documented abuses despite the existence of various ISAF countries' monitoring mechanisms and oversight by organizations like the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC) speaks to the insufficiency of such measures. Given the sheer number of facilities and detainees, logistical and security challenges, and detainees' fears of reprisals for disclosing abuse, even the most well-designed monitoring mechanisms may in practice be incapable of ensuring detainees are free from torture.

International forces must also grapple with the problem of torture beyond the narrow issue of transfers, not least because they have been working so closely with the Afghan intelligence authorities, including using intelligence that may very well have been extracted through the use of torture. Appropriate assessment of the risk of torture will also always have to take into account treatment of all detainees at a particular Afghan facility-not just those transferred from international custody. Conceiving of the problem as one of detainee transfer also biases policy solutions towards bureaucratic box checking in order to resume detainee transfers-not actually halting abuse.

To be sure, there are real dilemmas and constraints facing the Afghan government and ISAF. There is a lack of professional capacity at every level of the Afghan justice system, from guards to judges to prosecutors. The sheer number of persons detained in connection with the conflict means the system is under severe strain, burdened further by the military as opposed to law enforcement nature of operations. But the Afghan government and all ISAF nations have strict legal obligations to refrain from and prevent torture, and as the UN report lays bare, they have fallen well short.

The looming troop drawdown and transition only give greater urgency to this issue. With more and more responsibility for security being shifted to Afghans, the strategic risk and political liability posed by abusive detention practices will only grow. Right now the US and other ISAF nations have the most leverage to shape the Afghan justice system and leave behind institutions, laws, and mechanisms that uphold the rule of law and protect Afghans from torture. As the war in Afghanistan marks its tenth anniversary, time is not on the side of either ISAF or the Afghan government. The UN report marks a perhaps singular opportunity to marshal momentum behind detention reforms that will be long-lasting and effective at protecting the most basic of human rights.

King makers: Bakers reimagine the famous Mardi Gras cake.

The Star (Amman, Jordan) March 7, 2011 By Tim Carman Little about the king cake suggests it's made for human pleasure.

Its oval shape and doughy bloat invite unfavorable comparisons to underinflated inner tubes.

Its neon-sugar colors are certifiably cartoonish, as gaudy as the beaded trinkets that fall from the skies on Bourbon Street during Mardi Gras.

And then there's the issue of the prize buried deep within the dough; any cake in which a diner is in danger of chomping down on a tiny plastic infant automatically places itself in the kitsch category.

The king cake would seem to be the Jerry Lewis telethon of baked goods: An annual ritual, beloved by millions and way, way overwrought.

Of course, true believers of the multicolored cake will tell you that Northerners live a bereft existence, separate and apart from the true New Orleans king cake, which is the centerpiece of Carnival parties from Jan.

6 right up to Fat Tuesday, the day before the Lenten deprivation kicks in.

The cake's appeal becomes clearer the closer you get to the city limits and, conversely, becomes more comical the farther you travel from the cultural vortex of the Big Easy.

"I attribute my inflated civic pride and weakness for Mardi Gras in part to this early overexposure to yeast dough and unnaturally colored sugars," writes Sara Roahen in "Gumbo Tales: Finding My Place at the New Orleans Table". website king cake recipe

"Before I ever experienced Mardi Gras, I had a hand in preparing for it, and rather than embittering me, the tedious assembly-line baking somehow fostered within me a sweetness for king cakes, all of them, runny sugars included." David Guas, chef and owner of Bayou Bakery in Arlington, Va., understands an irrational attachment to king cakes.

The New Orleans native grew up sampling the city's best, at McKenzie's Pastry Shoppes, Gambino's and other iconic bakeries.

The main instigators of the king cake rebellion are bakers with little to no allegiance to Louisiana culture.

"If you're from New Orleans, you love it," says baker, teacher and cookbook author Peter Reinhart.

"Most versions to me are not that interesting.

I'd rather eat a Christmas fruitcake." Baker and teacher Mark Furstenberg is blunter: "The New Orleans cakes are so incredibly ugly that it's hard to identify with that tradition." What both of those bakers do identify with, however, is the story behind the king cake.

There is so much symbolism wrapped up in this one cake, it's almost impossible to separate fact from myth.

Some say the cake's origins date to pre-Christian Europe, where tribal cultures included cakes baked as part of harvest celebrations; the man who discovered the coin or bean tucked into the cake would be the sacred king for the coming year. site king cake recipe

It was a dubious honor: The king would be sacrificed after 12 months, his blood spread across the soil to ensure bountiful crops.

Christians in France apparently adopted part of the pagan custom and turned the cake into a symbol of the three kings who visited the Christ child on the Epiphany.

The French, being French, created elaborate, butter-heavy cakes to celebrate the occasion, such as the galette des rois, a decadent puff-pastry concoction with an almond filling.

When the French settlers brought the king cake tradition to New Orleans, it somehow morphed into a fluorescent, coffee-cakelike oval, adopting the purple/green/gold colors that would eventually define Mardi Gras.

Even the symbolism of the infant baby grew faint; drawing religious connections to Christ and the three kings became secondary to more secular functions, such as selecting a queen of the ball or just selecting who should host the next Carnival party.

Because of the ever-changing nature of the king cake, there is no definitive recipe for it, says Guas.

Some are breadlike, with drizzled icing and colorful sugars sprinkled on top.

Others are squat and stuffed with sweet things, whether a cream cheese mixture or canned apple pie filling.

There are fudge-covered "Zulu" king cakes dusted with toasted coconut shavings.

There are king cupcakes.

There are even "queen" cakes, which Roahen writes look like a "wreath of open-face jelly doughnuts, a jewel of different filling embedded into every couple inches of pastry." Guas says he thinks most of them are hooey.

He prefers a straightforward coffee-cake interpretation, a combination of yeasted dough, cinnamon, butter, eggs, sugar and a few other ingredients.

Interestingly enough, despite his affection for his published king cake recipe, Guas can't stop tinkering with it.

In fact, the king cake he sells at Bayou Bakery is different from the one whose recipe appears in "DamGoodSweet: Desserts to Satisfy Your Sweet Tooth, New Orleans Style".

He has changed flours and added a little more butter and sugar to increase the moisture and prolong the cake's shelf life.

"These kind of things haunt me," Guas says about his constant tinkering to improve the recipe, "in a good way." But it's just such manipulations that might give the king cake a better reputation outside the Crescent City, and it's just such manipulations that we in The Post Food section were looking for when we asked three bakers to put a new spin on the Mardi Gras staple.

(And I baked a fourth version, from Krystina Castella's cookbook "A World of Cake.") Shauna James Ahern, a.k.a.

the Gluten-Free Girl, riffed off a familiar idea among students of the king cake: It's essentially a tarted-up cinnamon bun.

"We have a cinnamon rolls recipe we worked on for a couple of months last year, to get it right.

To make sure the rolls were yeasty, doughy and pliable.

I just started working with that dough, adding almond extract and a bit more cinnamon.

It rose well and baked up even better.

Predictably, Furstenberg, given his distaste for the tricolor coffee cake of New Orleans, looked toward France for inspiration with his brioche version (although you can be forgiven if you mistake his tall, tube-pan interpretation for an Italian panettone).

Reinhart, on the other hand, borrowed from Eastern European traditions to create a restrained, almost artistic interpretation of a king cake in which he started with his babka recipe and embellished it, with only the smallest amount of icing and sprinkles.

Reinhart decided to ditch the plastic baby in favor of a hidden gold coin, which he felt was more symbolic of the three kings' visit to the Christ child.

The coin also fit into Reinhart's philosophy on king cakes: The story is more interesting than the baked good.

"The recipe to me is not that important," he said.

"It's important to preserve the tradition." Post deputy Food editor Bonnie S.

Benwick contributed to this report.

WPBLOO 2011 Jordan Press & publishing Co. All rights reserved.

Provided by Syndigate.info an Albawaba.com company

One Comment to “Time to Tackle Torture Is Now”

  1. "One area that the Afghan government and ISAF should prioritize is accountability. Though perhaps politically difficult, accountability for abuses is key, and must be pursued vigorously and publicly. The UN report is an opportunity for the right signals to be sent, both within the Afghan justice system as well as to the Afghan public."

    by ISAF, you mean the american gov, dont you? i wish you had the guts to say it. governments have power, governments abuse people, and the politicized UN does nothing except play along on the violin.

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Christopher Rogers

Christopher Rogers is a program officer for the Afghanistan-Pakistan Regional Policy Initiative, focusing on conflict-related detentions and civilian casualties.

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