At the L.B.J. Library in Austin, Texas, on Tuesday night, Attorney General Eric Holder forcefully renewed the Department of Justice’s commitment to protecting the right to vote. Invoking President Johnson’s remarks on signing the Voting Rights Act into law in 1965, Holder said that the right to vote “is not only the cornerstone of our system of government — it is the lifeblood of our democracy.”

In his speech, the attorney general exposed the coordinated campaign underway to deny the right to vote to millions of Americans, and pledged to use all of the weapons in the Justice Department arsenal to stop it. But advocacy to protect the right to vote is not enough to ensure that every American has a say in the future. We need to build a cultural movement for lifelong civic engagement that reflects the nation’s growing diversity, and it should be led by Latinos, African-Americans and young people. Contrary to national perceptions (thank you, Governor Perry), Texas is the ideal place to start this movement.

First, a personal note. I grew up in Texas, and after working for several years in New York City as a civil rights lawyer and advocate, I moved back to Austin earlier this year. What prompted the move was my desire to be a part of the tremendous change underway in my home state – changes that are harbingers of national trends that are redefining what it means to be an American. Yet while a majority of the state’s population now consists of Latinos and people of color – communities that tend to be more progressive, at least in the voting booth – the power structure continues to be dominated by white conservatives.

Texas was an ideal forum for Holder’s remarks for more reasons than one. The state has the second highest number of objections filed under the Voting Rights Act, surpassed only by Mississippi. And our far-right-dominated state legislature is a national leader in building new hurdles to keep Texans from the polls, most recently through one of the country’s most rigid mandatory photo ID laws. Because of its long history of minority disenfranchisement, Texas remains one of the nine states that continue to require Justice Department pre-clearance for changes to its voting rules and regulations.

Texas is also a central battleground for voting rights because of its explosive growth. We gained more than four million new residents in the 2010 census, with Latinos accounting for 65 percent of that growth and other ethnic minorities for another 24 percent, earning four new congressional districts in the process. What happens here matters nationally, both because of the sheer number of voters in the state and because we’re at the leading edge of a massive demographic shift. The legal battle over how to draw the new districts has been brewing for months and it is likely to have implications far beyond the state’s borders now that the Supreme Court has decided to hear the case.

To build an electorate that is representative of Texas as it really is, the Department of Justice and civil-rights organizations must redouble their efforts to educate voters about their rights, protect against voter-suppression tactics and ensure fair representation in the new districts created in response to the most recent census.

But equally critical to building a vibrant democracy in the state is the need to vastly expand the number of engaged citizens — and not just on Election Day. Organizing and civic engagement must go hand in hand with policy and legal work, just as they did during the civil rights movement. To build a truly representative democracy, we need a groundswell of engagement that can push back against the most determined suppression efforts.

It isn’t enough to have lawyers working to protect the franchise or for activists to register more voters. In fact, while other states struggle to register more eligible voters — a challenge that Attorney General Holder correctly pointed out could be easily solved through automatic voter registration — the rate of voter registration in Texas is actually on par with national averages.

The problem is that too few registered voters show up on Election Day, and too few stay engaged the day after. Texas has the lowest voter-turnout rate in the nation – only 32 percent of eligible voters participated in the 2010 elections, and the participation rate among Latinos was only 24 percent. The Republicans who currently have a lock on state power, and who are themselves overwhelmingly white, want to keep it that way. There’s no question that deceptive practices discourage people from going to the polls, and the dilution of minority voting rights through gerrymandering leads many to believe that their vote won’t count.

Other factors contribute to the dismal turnout rate in Texas, and need to be addressed as well. The logistical challenges of poor public transportation, too few polling places and the state’s failure to comply with the Voting Rights Act’s language requirements, also have a disproportionate impact on people of color and low-income voters. Voters are understandably disillusioned by the inability of elected officials – from both parties – to represent their views and develop solutions to the country’s problems. President Obama’s harsh deportation record and failure to gain traction for immigration reform, for example, may well discourage many Latinos from voting next year.

More must be done to educate new citizens about the importance of civic engagement, and to build and support a culture of lifelong engagement among all Texans. There is “no force more powerful,” as Attorney General Holder reminded us, “than efforts to expand the franchise.” But to build a culture of civic engagement, it isn’t enough for the attorney general and other government officials to proclaim the importance of voting.

So what would it take? Many well-intentioned voter-turnout programs have failed to make a difference because their models are flawed. Too many focus their efforts on Election Day only, parachuting organizers in from out of state, knocking on strangers’ doors, leaving generic messages on answering machines and sending unsolicited mail.

To build a cultural movement, we also need cultural leaders and messengers who will speak out – performers, bloggers, professional athletes and movie stars. In Texas, we’re fiercely proud of our culture in all its diverse forms – from tacos and chicken fried steak to Texas swing and Tejano music. Culture here has the ability to unite natural political opponents, transcend race and class and build new forms of community. Texans of different backgrounds and political stripes love to showcase our cultural hybrids and to regale outsiders with obscure facts about Texas history and traditions. Just ask me about the accordion.

We need to engage the state’s creative leaders in organizing and to get more creative with our organizing tactics. Why not build the base through blues and barbeque, host a traveling film series on social movements or plan a taco tour to transform Texas? Instead of being a national symbol for voter suppression and disenfranchisement, let’s make Texas the center of a cultural movement for a vibrant democracy in which everyone has a voice.

As Rick Perry stumbles towards the New Hampshire primaries, the national media continues to engage in one of its favorite pastimes—ridiculing the Lone Star State and its conservative extremes. (See "Perry Gains Endorsement from an Arizona Sheriff Tough on Immigration," New York Times, Nov. 29, 2011.) Reporters loved Rick Perry's plan to do away with federal agencies, whichever they were, and oozed outrage over the faded N-word painted on a rock at his childhood hunting camp. The laser beam on conservatism in Texas has also pinpointed the de-funding of Planned Parenthood, counted death row executions, and blasted political cronyism. The images that go along with these stories conjure all the usual Texas stereotypes—Perry's head on top of a cactus, George W. as a grinning cowboy.

With far-right conservatives vying for more power in Texas and beyond, we need watchdog journalism to expose the reality behind the mythical "Texas miracle." But the headlines obscure another side of Texas that most Americans don't see. Because of its sheer size, Texas has the ability to change the direction of the country, and that change is more and more likely to trend progressive. Signs of the shift are visible just under the surface, from a quick glance at the state's changing demographics to its culture and politics.

Texas is at the leading edge of a profound demographic shift nationally. It's one of the fastest growing state in the nation, made up mostly of Hispanics, African Americans, young people and immigrants from all corners of the globe. In the last decade Texas became one of only four states where whites are no longer in the majority. Three of the country's ten largest cities are in Texas. Houston is the nation's fourth largest city, with the fastest growing middle-class African American population and a large and diverse immigrant community. The Rio Grande Valley is over 80 percent Latino, and one of the fastest growing regions in the country.

The changing face of Texas is impossible to ignore in urban centers, where residents are embracing new ways to live and work in harmony with their neighbors. At the artfully designed Baker-Ripley Neighborhood Center in Houston's diverse Gulfton neighborhood, residents speak more than 16 languages, and hail from Latin America, Pakistan, Vietnam and many other countries. Families take education and citizenship classes, build assets and start small businesses with help from the consumer credit union, and grow food together in a community garden. The neighborhood is abuzz with families optimistic about their future—not what most east coasters expect when they land in Houston.

The increasing diversity of Texas is especially evident in the state's vibrant and growing creative sector. The state is a hotbed of culture, from the profoundly local to the international. There are expected truckloads of barbeque, Tex-Mex, football, and home brew. But Texas also has the South by Southwest Festival, trailer park eateries serving kebabs to kolaches, Alamo Drafthouse Cinema, and a hip improv comedy scene. The state has live music galore, from blues to Tejano, Texas swing to Zydeco, indie rock to hip hop and bounce. And, national stereotypes to the contrary, there are thriving cultural scenes all over the state—not just in Austin. With all this culture, the state is keeping and attracting more and more young people, most of them progressives.

The blend of communities in the state is spawning new forms of culture that bring many Texans together—a consequence of immigration that belies the border vigilantism of national headlines. The Accordion Kings and Queens Festival is a case in point. The accordion spread like wildfire in Texas in the early 20th century, from German and Czech immigrants in the hill country to Mexicans near the border and African-Americans in east Texas. Polkas morphed into Conjunto and Zydeco, now vibrant musical traditions that continue to attract young, talented musicians. White, brown and black high school kids from all over Texas jam together as they prepare to compete annually to become Big Squeeze Accordion Champion. These kids are harbingers of a future that embraces our traditions and cultivates new ones.

Even politically, the conservative reflection on the state's surface obscures the shifting reality of the state. Seeing only Bush and Perry, most progressives write off Texas as a solidly red state. That ignores the state's history and oversimplifies the political landscape. Texas has always had a strong liberal vein to contradict the state's conservative moniker -- think of LBJ, Ann Richards, Barbara Jordon, Molly Ivins, William Wayne Justice, and Jim Hightower. In contrast to the entrenched conservatism of the state legislature, the major cities are now run by can-do progressive mayors, like Anise Parker in Houston and Julian Castro in San Antonio.

It shouldn't be a surprise to learn that—even with conservatives in charge—the Texas legislature chose not to pass a slate of anti-immigrant bills last session. There's a reason why Rick Perry and George W. Bush had sensible positions on immigration. Republican leaders in Texas may just be a little more forward-thinking than their counterparts in other states like Arizona and Alabama. Other states have much to learn from the growing number of Hispanic leaders in Texas business and government, and the relative success of immigrant integration in Texas cities.

In fact, by many measures Texas is already a majority progressive state. So why do conservatives continue to dominate state and federal office? One reason is clear. Texas has the lowest voter turnout rate in the nation—only 32 percent of eligible voters participated in the 2010 elections, and rates were even lower among Latinos and young people. A history of disenfranchisement and voter suppression has kept too many Texans away from the polls.

It would be folly to sugarcoat the state's very real challenges, exacerbated by the recession. Texas has sobering statistics on education, poverty, health care, and crime that vividly illustrate the dangers of having no social safety net. And last year the state legislature ushered in drastic cuts to government spending that will make life even harder for low-income Texans. Change won't come overnight. But Texas is at a tipping point, and the rest of the country should look beyond the national headlines and take notice.

Over the last ten years, new media has become completely enmeshed in our daily social and work lives.

It's now a critical tool for advancing social change. I spoke to Ian Inaba, filmmaker and cofounder of Citizen Engagement Laboratory—an Open Society grantee—about how underrepresented constituencies can use new media to amplify their voices for social justice.

Inaba told the story of four undocumented young people who, with flip cameras and blog entries, brought attention to the DREAM Act and to the plight of millions of young immigrants unable to fully participate in society because they have no path to legalization. Though the Act is still in limbo in 2011 after the U.S. Senate blocked it late last year, the young dreamers continue to inspire hope with their sheer determination and innovative organizing tactics.

He also described how the Basta Dobbs campaign successfully used new media to get Lou Dobbs—who shamelessly used his position as anchor at CNN to legitimize fear and hatred towards immigrants and Latinos—off the air.

“Through online organizing," he said, "we can give citizens the tools to fight back against hateful and intolerant rhetoric.”

There was an explosion of cash in the 2010 U.S. election campaigns and a disturbing amount of secrecy around the sources of that money. I talked about this trend with an expert on the issue, Monica Youn, senior counsel of the Democracy Program at the Brennan Center for Justice.

Youn broke down what Americans need to know about the dramatic increase of money in politics. “During the 2010 election there was a real power grab by certain well-funded interests," she notes. "The most disturbing thing about it is we don’t even know who those interests are, and we have no way to hold them accountable for the way in which they flooded hundreds of millions of dollars to influence this election.”

Watch the interview (above) to learn more about the impact of big money in elections and to find out what you can do to demand accountability and transparency in the 2012 elections. The Brennan Center for Justice is a grantee of the Open Society Foundations.

This weekend will mark five years since Hurricane Katrina hit the Gulf Coast and the levees broke in New Orleans.  As the date approaches, we remember and mourn the many lives and homes that were lost.  We also honor the inspiring work of so many in New Orleans to rebuild and transform this remarkable American city.

New Orleans represents the best and worst of America.  Its rich tapestry of African-American, Cajun, Creole, and European traditions gave birth to a unique and vibrant culture of music, food, and pageantry known around the world.  New Orleanians have an indomitable spirit—drawn directly from a deep love of their heritage—that has fueled a remarkable resiliency in the face of disasters from Hurricane Katrina to the BP oil spill.  While the city suffers from the legacy of slavery, a punitive criminal justice system, a weak infrastructure, and pervasive corruption, its residents are developing homegrown solutions that offer models for advocates around the nation and the world.

Before, during, and after the storm, the Open Society Foundations’ U.S. Programs has been privileged to support people and organizations determined to tackle the city’s challenges.  Starting at the neighborhood level and going all the way up to City Hall and beyond, advocates are reforming the criminal justice system in order to shed the dubious distinction of jailing its residents at a higher rate than any other U.S. city. Community-based organizations and good government groups are working together to insist on greater transparency, expand public participation, and ensure open government at the municipal level.  And the city’s culture bearers are engaging young people to use proud traditions like brass bands and second line parades to put an end to street violence.

Today, we launched an online fundraising campaign with MoveOn and ColorOfChange.org to raise funds for Open Society Foundations grantees who are working to transform New Orleans. MoveOn and ColorOfChange.org are appealing to their members to donate $500,000 to mark the anniversary of Katrina and the floods, and the Open Society Foundations will match those donations dollar-for-dollar. You can learn more about the campaign here: http://civ.moveon.org/donatec4/katrina.html or http://colorofchange.org/transform/message.html.

I hope you’ll take a few minutes to watch the short film above that profiles three of these extraordinary organizations working for change in New Orleans. You can learn more about our work in New Orleans here: www.soros.org/us/nola.

We are deeply grateful to our many partners who have committed time and resources to New Orleans.  As we work together to strengthen democracy and open society in America, we all have much to learn from New Orleans.

These women struggle every day to make ends meet in South Texas, selling homemade tacos, working as home health care providers, cleaning used clothes and re-selling them at the local flea market. The colonia—along with 923 others in Hidalgo County, Texas—is squarely in the United States, but conditions aren’t much better than across the border in Mexico. The colonias frequently lack safe drinking water, septic and drainage systems, electricity, and other vital public services.

To help improve the lives of these hard-working women and their families, it is essential that they be counted in the census. Yet people like them—and millions of others around the United States—are frequently not counted.

Fortunately, these women had a step up—they had heard about the census from trusted community organizations like ARISE and LUPE, which are connected to state and national groups working together to raise awareness about the 2010 Census and to increase its accuracy. They know that getting better health care and education for their children requires an accurate census. They hope that being counted might even lead, someday, to street lights in their colonias and better protection from coastal flooding.

OSI staff on a site visit in Texas. ©Lourdes Flores

The conditions that make it challenging to count people in the colonias affect many other hard-to-count communities, in other rural areas and also in densely populated cities like New York City and Miami. Too often people of color, immigrants, low-income people and young children are overlooked in the count.

Why the Census Matters

The consequences of an undercount are stark. For every 100 people not counted, a community loses an estimated $1.2 million in federal funds for programs such as Medicaid, social services block grants and vocational education over a decade. Billions of dollars for hospitals, schools, roads, and other vital programs depend on an accurate census count. The census contributes to economic development as public and private developers use the data when deciding where to build facilities that can bring jobs and retail options to communities. And census data are used to monitor and enforce compliance with civil rights statutes, including the National Voting Rights Act of 1965, and employment, housing, lending and education anti-discrimination laws.

An accurate count brings more than resources to a community, it also brings with it sheer political power that communities can wield to impact lasting change. The reapportionment of congressional seats and the redrawing of political districts are based on the census. In a number of states, a difference of just 1% in the 2010 Census will mean the gain or loss of a congressional seat.

And an accurate census is critical to ensuring open society in the United States. One might say that to be recognized as a human being and to be counted is one of the most basic human rights. The Open Society Institute is committed to expanding public participation, protecting the right to vote, and ensuring that the benefits, responsibilities and opportunities of society are distributed equally among all groups within our society. An accurate census supports these goals.

Supporting an Accurate Census

The Open Society Institute is supporting a range of groups working to reach hard-to-count constituencies so they are counted in the census. The National Congress of American Indians Fund has launched a campaign, Indian Country Counts, to reduce the American Indian and Alaska Native undercount in the Decennial Census. The Southern Coalition for Social Justice is working to minimize the undercount of low-income, racial minority, immigrant, and other traditionally hard-to-count populations in targeted Southern states, including Louisiana, Florida and North Carolina. The Miami Workers Center, Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund Southwest Workers Union, are trusted messengers in Florida, Louisiana and Texas working to ensure fuller participation in their states. Through its vast media coalition of radio DJs, bloggers and television networks, Voto Latino, based in Washington, DC, is working to motivate and inform Latino youth around the country to be counted.

OSI is proud to partner with other foundations on the census. With the Ford Foundation and others, we are active participants in the Funders Census Initiative. We are also supporting census outreach in Louisiana through the Census Community Outreach Fund at the Public Interest Projects (PIP), which supports local groups in California, Florida, Mississippi, New York, North Carolina and Texas. In addition, we support the 2010 Census Funders NYC Initiative, coordinated by The New York Community Trust and the New York Foundation, which funds organizations working to reach Black and Latino males, and to increase the count in public housing communities.

To ensure that people are counted in the neighborhoods they call home, OSI is also supporting groups such as Demos, the Prison Policy Initiative, and their allies to end the practice of “prison-based gerrymandering,” which counts incarcerated people as residents of the counties in which they are incarcerated. This practice allows legislatures to create “phantom districts” that sometimes contain more incarcerated people than actual constituents. The result is an unfair distribution of public resources and political power that reinforces the cycle of divestment in urban communities and prison-dependent rural economies.

During our visit to the Las Milpas colonia, the community learned that the Census Bureau would not be mailing census forms to the colonias, but only sending census takers door-to-door. Local leaders sprang into action, calling colleagues hundreds of miles away for advice about how they could help to ensure that the count is still as accurate as possible. Today, April 1, is Census Day. Let’s make it count for the women of Hidalgo County and for all of us.